This paper is devoted to introduce weak and strong forms of fibrewise fuzzy ω-topological spaces, namely the fibrewise fuzzy -ω-topological spaces, weakly fibrewise fuzzy -ω-topological spaces and strongly fibrewise fuzzy -ω- topological spaces. Also, Several characterizations and properties of this class are also given as well. Finally, we focused on studying the relationship between weakly fibrewise fuzzy -ω-topological spaces and strongly fibrewise fuzzy -ω-topological spaces.

Background: Adenoid cystic carcinoma (ACC) constitutes about 4% of salivary epithelial tumors and is the second common malignant epithelial salivary gland tumor involving both the major and minor salivary glands. Aims of the study is to evaluate immunohistochemical expression of Ki67 and p53 proteins in ACC. Materials and Methods: immunohistochemical analyses of fifteen cases of formalin – fixed paraffin – embedded tissues blocks of ACC of salivary glands using ki67 and p53 antibodies. Results: ki67 was expressed in 6 of 15 ACC (40%) while p53 aberration was demonstrated in 11 of tumor (73.3%). There was a statistically significant difference between the expression of ki67 and p53 proteins in ACC cases (p value = 0.041). Pearson’s cor

The process of name calling in the propaganda discourse is one of the most important methods of persuasive propaganda act, based on the ideology of working with the function, and the valuation of this function, creating a hermeneutic representation of the meaning falls within a specific format and responds to a specific function, which is the realization of the intent of the propaganda doer in persuasion and persuasion through negative and positive propaganda logic. The method of name calling has played a dangerous and horrific role in conflicts and ideological and military wars throughout history.

This study aims to find out the mechanisms of semiotics system behind discourse of propaganda far from substantive&n

A simple, precise, and sensitive spectrophotometric method has been established for the analysis of doxycycline. The method includes direct charge transfer complexation of doxycycline withp-Bromanil in acetonitrileto form a colored complex. The intensely colored product formed was quantified based on the absorption band at 377 nm under optimum condition. Beer’s law is obeyed in the concentration range of 1–50 μg.mL-1 with molar absorptivity of 1.5725x104 L.mol-1.cm-1, Sandell's sensitivity index (0.0283) μg.cm-2, detection limit of 0.1064 μg.mL-1, quantification limit 0.3224 μg.mL-1 and association constant of the formed complex (0.75x103). The developed method could find application in routine quality control of doxycycline and has

Background: Rhinosinusitis is an inflammatory disorder that refers to inflammation of the nose and paranasal sinuses. Recent studies show that serum IL-33, periostin, ARGE and sST2 had the role in the pathogenesis of chronic rhinosinusitis as an easy, non-invasive and readily available (biomarker) for diagnosis of chronic rhinosinusitis. We tested for correlations of IL-33, periostin, ARGE and sST2 between acute and chronic rhinosinusitis in compare to healthy people. This study aimed to Measure serum levels of periostin, IL-33, sST2, and ARGE biomarkers in patients ARS and CRS. Materials and Methods: We collected serum of 30 patients with acute rhinosinusitis, 30 with chronic rhinosinusitis, and 30 controls to examine serum levels of IL-3

Deception is an inseparable facet of political discourse in attaining strategic political gains though compromising public opinion. However, the employment of discursive deception strategies by the policy-making institutions of think tanks has not received due attention in the literature. The current study aims at exploring how the ideologizing deception strategies are utilized by the conservative American think tank of the Washington Institute to reproduce socio-political realities and re-shape public opinion. To fulfill this task, van Dijk’s (2000) notion of ideological polarization which shows positive self-representation and negative other representation is adopted to conduct a critical discourse analysis of four Arabic texts relea

Jamal Basha: His Administrative and Political Effort in Baghdad

This research is a pragmatic study of political blame in British and Iraqi Parliaments. It aims to unfold the similarities and/or differences in terms of the pragmatic and pragma-rhetorical strategies used by British and Iraqi politicians when they exchange blame in both offensive and defensive situations. A statistical analysis is conducted to quantitatively support the findings of the pragmatic analysis. The analyses conducted have yielded different results among blame is a process composed of two stages. Each stage is distinct for its pragmatic components and pragma-rhetorical strategies. British and Iraqi MPs at the blame stage tend to utilize impoliteness as their main strategy. However, British and Iraqi MPs perform differently at the

In light of what constitutes the cultural factor from a great importance in the context of the incorporation of an active and participant civil society in the process of democracy- building and the achievement of political development, this article tries to look at the concept of the political culture and the civil society with the stand on the nature of existing relationship between them in its theoretical part, then the move to dissection of the civil society crisis in Algeria under the prevalent cultural values for understanding the relationship between the two variables in its empirical part, as a step towards the detection on the pivoting of democratic values in activating the political participation and attainment the democratic co

In the South of yement, when the accupation of Aden in 1839 by the British, British politics has proceeded in accordance with interests in promoting the existence and exploitation of this important site to implement their interests. Historians believe that Britain played a major role in the conflicts that have taken place on the land of Yemen, through a series of military and political dealings between them and the Ottoman Empire prior to withdrawal of Yemen and between local authorities and power to Yemen, such interactions have led to very serious consequences for the future of Yemen and Yemen was often divided into three parts, the northern areas under the authority of Imam Yahya, and the South, under the control of Britain, Asir and